When Rick Scott was elected Florida’s 45th Governor, I was taken aback. How could a state with a 600,000 Democrat plurality elect a wholly uncharismatic Republican who personifies the worst excesses of the past decade? His company, Columbia/HCA, paid $600 million in fines for bilking Medicare and other government programs while Scott was Chairman and CEO. It was the largest fraud settlement in U.S. history. Scott resigned, but received $10 million in compensation while retaining stock worth $350 million.
Floridians were inexplicably forgiving. With $75 million of his own money, and a catchy “Let’s Get to Work” motto that apparently resonated with recession-weary voters, Scott eked out a victory over listless Democrat Alex Sink by just 68,000 votes. Suntanned Gov. Charlie Crist was replaced by Skeletor—and a super-majority of Republican minions in the Legislature. I could picture Scott’s high-pitched screech as he addressed his first press conference: “Ex-cellent!”
But I try to be optimistic, so I conjured a best case scenario for Scott’s term in office. He would focus on job creation; not a bad thing. He would cut spending; necessary, and we could still hate him for it. And he would pay mere lip service to conservative social issues; distractions for a stubbornly independent dollars and cents kind of guy.
Some LGBT activists adopted the same “wait and see” approach.
“We are making no assumptions about this administration,” Equality Florida executive director Nadine Smith told Watermark last month. “We will continue to reach out and see where we are over time.”
But in the six weeks since Scott’s inauguration, a disturbing picture has developed. It’s already apparent that he is a detached non-communicator who misunderstands his mandate; a conservative CEO who answers to stockholders, not citizens.
The day after taking office, Scott signed a sweeping executive order putting a hold on all pending state government regulations. He made no effort to explain his action, review process or timeline. Among those left hanging: the program for low-income HIV patients seeking state assistance to obtain AIDS drugs.
“If I had to rely on ADAP (AIDS Drug Assistance Program), I’d probably get sick and die,” Kenneth Keeton, a Lake Placid man with HIV/AIDS told The Florida Independent.
The same day Scott took a shockingly narrow, retrograde view of discrimination when issuing the policy that applies to state government employees. Despite heavy lobbying, sexual orientation and gender identity were excluded. So were some classes already protected by the Florida Civil Rights Act.
“By ignoring handicap and marital status, Scott has managed to add discrimination to Florida government,” said Rand Hoch, president of the Palm Beach County Human Rights Council.
Next Scott appointed an executive with a fundamentalist social service group to head the Department of Children and Families, which oversees adoptions in Florida. David Wilkins was a financial officer with the Florida Baptist Children’s Home, a private agency that places children only with “professing Christians.”
Wilkins and Scott have not indicated whether, unlike their predecessors, they will challenge an appellate court ruling holding Florida’s ban on adoption by gays and lesbians unconstitutional. But House Speaker Dean Cannon recently told the Florida Baptist Witness that Scott should “absolutely” continue enforcing the ban, setting up a court or legislative battle.
“If we think the Legislature should step in, we’re certainly prepared and willing to do so,” Cannon added.
On election night Scott trumpeted his belief that abortion is wrong, and that Roe v. Wade should be overturned. With the Governor’s support, Republican lawmakers recently filed bills that would erode access to abortion.
The first would bar private insurance companies from covering the procedure. The second would make it a felony for doctors to perform almost all abortions after 20 weeks.
Republican leadership has also promised to revive a bill that would force women to view an ultrasound of the fetus before having an abortion. Crist vetoed that bill last year. Scott has already said he would sign it.
But most disturbing is Scott’s sneaky attempt to thwart Florida voters who approved Amendments 5 and 6 by a whopping margin 15% greater than Scott’s narrow victory. These “Fair Districts” amendments were a resounding renunciation of the gerrymandering that has corralled and marginalized Florida voters for decades. Need evidence? In a state with more Democrats than Republicans, the GOP holds 20 of 25 congressional seats. And in 420 state legislative races since 2004, only three incumbents of either party have lost re-election.
With the passage of 5 and 6, voting districts must be contiguous, compact, nearly equal in population, and drawn so as not to favor any incumbent or political party. Races will once again be competitive, placing a premium on each vote.
The federal Voting Rights Act requires that states submit new election laws to the Justice Department for approval. Gov. Crist filed a formal request for “pre-clearance” of 5 and 6 on Dec. 10, 2010. Gov. Scott quietly withdrew the request—for something approved by 63% of Florida voters!—on Jan. 7, 2011. Clearly he hopes this delaying tactic will prevent new districts from being drawn in time for pivotal 2012 elections.
Although Scott won the election, exit polls disclosed that 62% of voters still had reservations about him. The honeymoon is over, and it sucked. It’s time to hold our arrogant, atypical new governor/CEO accountable. And if he continues to thwart Fair Districts, I say we take a cue from Cairo and take to the streets to reclaim our state.
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